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Saint He Yan: Confucian politics and participants—answered the question, and then conducted a public speaking discussion on their answers
Author: Shu-Shan Lee Virginia UnitedSweetheart Baobaobaobaobaobao.comDa Department of Politics (currently in the Department of Political Science and History, Hanpudon)
Source: Lee, Shu-Shan. (2020), “‘What Did the Emperor Ever Say’—The Public Trascript of Confucian Political Obligation”. Dao: A Journal of Comparative Philosophy, 19, 231-250.
Abstract: The political view of imperial Confucianism seeking common people is widely present. Although some scholars try to challenge this trend, they have never discussed theories about political responsibilities in imperial Confucianism. By studying the political propaganda of the Qing Dynasty, especially the “Saints and Confucianism”, the author believes that the political responsibilities of imperial Confucianism are a patriarchal theory of gratitude. Therefore, the political ritual of common people is conditioned by the rulers’ “benevolence of parents”, and from historical perspective, this theory guides the verbal interaction between the Qing court and common people. In fact, when the Imperial policies made the lives of the people difficult, they often complained about the public version of gratitude of the parents to demonstrate their politically unsubmissive legitimacy. Therefore, whether theoretically or practically, the political responsibilities of imperial Confucianism are not absolutely correct, but rather a conditional patriarchal gratitude theory.
1. Introduction
Imperial Confucianism is a state-conscious form that penetrates the history of the Chinese ministerial dynasty. Many people believe that imperial Confucianism seeks common people to serve in politics, which is contrary to the “ruler-subject reciprocity” held by Confucius; and some scholars try to find differences in the main imperial Confucian literature, and thus denounce this as a broad explanation. However, the former misinterprets the reality of imperial Confucianism, while the latter mistakenly believes that the political responsibilities of Confucian scholars are commoners. In other words, these two views are not a secret to the imperial Confucianism for the question of why the popular and popular people should serve the country. Based on this lack, the author aims to discuss the political voluntary issues of imperial Confucianism.
The notes are divided into three departments: The first part evaluates the limitations of the existing literature on the political responsibilities of the Confucianism; the second part discusses a major imperial Confucianism literature, namely the “Saints and Confucianism” during the Kangxi and Yongzheng period of the Qing Dynasty. By analyzing the content of this imperial propaganda, the author believes that the political responsibilities of imperial Confucianism are a kind of paternatal gratitude (paternalissupporting softwaretic Gratitude theory, rather than asking for absolute service, the political ritual of common people is conditioned on the ruler’s “parental benevolence” (representer’s note: parental benevolence like parents). Of course, the emperor did not say that common people could not accept it, and some scholars would raise doubts about the conditions of imperial Confucian political responsibilities. Therefore, in the third part, the author used the concept of “public transcript” by Sco官网tt to solve this potential criticism. By studying the civilian anti-Japanese activities in the Qing Dynasty, he argued that the concept of patriarchal gratitude was a “public script” of political responsibilities, which guided the verbal interaction between the Qing court and the common people. In practice, when the tyranny of the empire was at a loss, commoners often complained about the public version of gratitude of the parents, in order to protect their political dissatisfaction. This kind of protection based on parental gratitude seems to be legal in both the people and the country, and can provide support for resistance and disagreement after obtaining protection. Therefore, whether theoretically or practically, the political responsibilities of imperial Confucianism are not absolutely correct, but rather a conditional theory about patriarchal gratitude.
2. A brief summary of literature
In classical Confucianism, fantasy human relations are mutually in each other, and the request for absolute service in human relations cannot be found in “Theory” and “Mencius”. However, many scholars have dismissed that there is a specialist reversal in imperial Confucianism. In the long history of imperial Confucianism, the common people’s service to the rulers has always been theoretically described as having an absolute nature. However, the author believes that there is a problem with this explanation: “Three Names” just see that the lower level should serve from the upper level, but does not specifically explain whether this service is absolutely or conditional – for example, when people say that children should serve their parents, they are just describing common sense of this relationship, which is actually difficult to point out that children do not always have to serve their parents. Similarly, in the patriarchal tradition of Chinese society, many people can internalize the concept of “three entries”, that is, the monarch, father and husband are the three sources of power, and are also objects of service; however, these common descriptions and disagreements will lead to the inability to serve a subject unless there is a clear text that is requested.
FactoryIn the above, some scholars tried to find admirable new evidence from Dong Zhongshu’s “Age of Breeding and the words of Confucian scholars of the Song Dynasty, in order to reject the view of the reversal of the imperial Confucianism’s specialist theory, such as Dong Zhongshu’s behavior of killing the monarch for those who are capable of killing the monarch, Cheng Zhu and other Confucian scholars of Song Dynasty, who insisted that the monarchs had principles and had slandered. However, the author points out that there is still a gap between the targets and the results of the study by these scholars: the development of most of the critics is to challenge the imperial Confucianism and ask their ministers to approach the people to serve in this way, which shows that their goal should be to wisely lie in the political responsibility of the elite to the emperor and the political responsibilities of the common people against the country; the problem is that in the discussion of imperial Confucianism-related literature, they often ignore the discussion of the political responsibilities of the common people, because they have not been exposed to the relevant Sweetheart Baobaobaobaobao Network The key evidence of touching and political beauty in common people’s political qualities. These scholars only partially rejected the trend of imperial Confucianism. In other words, based on the evidence of these literatures, although it is said that imperial Confucianism did not ask for unconditional political responsibility of scholars and officials, it is not impossible to prove that imperial Confucianism does not ask for the general public to serve.
Of course, the political responsibility of the elite is very different from the color of the common man in Confucian politics. It is obvious that the majority of officials had the right to criticize the rulers at the time of the Chinese traditional imperial system, common people were eliminated from the political decision-making process in the system. To understand whether imperial Confucianism can ask common people to serve politically, we must shift our attention from the research on the political qualities of scholars and officials to the special discussion on why common people should serve the country’s cultural data.
3. He Yan of the Saints
The author chose the “Saints and Confucianism” of the Qing Dynasty (1644-1912) as the textual basis and conducted research and discussion on the political theory of imperial Confucianism. This study has at most two advantages: First, “Saints and Confucianism” is one of the most authoritative explanations of imperial Confucianism. The author of the scholar who proposed the “transition of specialist doctrine” as imperial Confucianism, the purpose of this national consciousness spreading across the country is to educate the public to conceal the concept of serving the people, and the discussions on Dong Zhongshu’s “Years and Dew” and the political verbs of Confucian Song can not provide enough powerless evidence Brain the meaningReverse this idea. Although the above text is a formal communication between Confucian scholars and emperors, they are not spread among popular people in order to pursue political education. In other words,The common man could never understand the existence of these discussions, let alone be educated. On the contrary, the “Saints and Confucianism” is an official publicity that holds the standpoint of imperial Confucianism and provides direct evidence on whether the emperor can call on ordinary people to be loyal and honest without conditions. Second, “Saints and Confucianism” is also a major source of confirmation that the political responsibilities of TC:
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